Everything about Neocolonialism totally explained
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Neocolonialism is a term used by post-colonial critics of
developed countries' involvement in the developing world. Critics of neocolonialism argue that existing or past
international economic arrangements created by former
colonial powers were or are used to maintain control of their former colonies and dependencies after the
colonial independence movements of the post
World War II period. The term
Neocolonialism can combine a critique of current
actual colonialism (where some states continue administrating foreign territories and their populations in violation of United Nations resolutions) and a critique of modern
capitalist businesses involvement in nations which were former colonies. Critics of neocolonialism contend that private, foreign business companies continue to exploit the resources of post-colonial peoples, and that this economic control inherent to neocolonialism is akin to the classical, European
colonialism practiced from the
16th to the
20th centuries. In broader usage, current especially in
Latin America, Neocolonialism may simply refer to involvement of powerful countries in the affairs of less powerful countries. In this sense,
Neocolonialism implies a form of contemporary, economic
Imperialism: that powerful nations behave like colonial powers, and that this behavior is
likened to colonialism in a post-colonial world.
Neocolonialism charges against former colonial powers
The term neocolonialism first saw widespread use, particularly in reference to
Africa, soon after the process of
decolonization which followed a struggle by many national
independence movements in the colonies following
World War II. Upon gaining independence, some national leaders and opposition groups argued that their countries were being subjected to a new form of colonialism, waged by the former colonial powers and other developed nations.
Kwame Nkrumah, who in 1957 became leader of newly independent
Ghana, expounded this idea in his
Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism, in 1965.
Pan-African and Nonaligned movements
The term neocolonialism was popularised in the wake of
decolonialisation, largely through the activities of scholars and leaders from the newly independent states of Africa and the
Pan-Africanist movement. Many of these leaders came together with those of other post colonial states at the
Bandung Conference of 1955, leading to the formation of the
Non-Aligned Movement. The
All-African Peoples' Conference (AAPC) meetings of the late 1950s and early 1960s spread this critique of neocolonialism. Their
Tunis conference of 1960 and
Cairo conference of 1961 specified their opposition to what they labeled neocolonialism, singling out the
French Community of independent states organised by the former colonial power. In its four page
Resolution on Neocolonialism is cited as a landmark for having presented a collectively arrived at definition of
neocolonialism and a description of its main features.
Throughout the
Cold War, the
Non-Aligned Movement, as well as organisations like the
Organization of Solidarity with the People of Asia, Africa and Latin America defined neocolonialism as a primary collective enemy of these independent states.
Denunciations of neocolonialism also became popular with some national independence movements while they were still waging anti-colonial armed struggle. During the
1970s, in the
Portuguese colonies of
Mozambique and
Angola for example, the rhetoric espoused by the
Marxist movements
FRELIMO and
MPLA, which were to eventually assume power upon those nations' independence, rejected both traditional colonialism and neocolonialism.
Paternalistic neocolonialism
The term
paternalistic neocolonialism involves the belief held by a neo-colonial power that their colonial subjects benefit from their occupation. Critics of neocolonialism, arguing that this is both exploitive and racist, contend this is merely a justification for continued political hegemony and economic exploitation of past colonies, and that such justifications are the modern reformulation of the
Civilizing mission concepts of the 19th century.
Françafrique
The classic example used to define modern neocolonialism is
Françafrique: a term that refers to the continuing close relationship between France and some leaders of its former African colonies. It was first used by president of the Côte d'Ivoire
Félix Houphouët-Boigny, who appears to have used it in a positive sense, to refer to good relations between France and Africa, but it was subsequently borrowed by critics of this close (and they'd say) unbalanced relationship.
Jacques Foccart, who from 1960 was chief of staff for African matters for president
Charles de Gaulle (1958–69) and then
Georges Pompidou (1969-1974), is claimed to be the leading exponent of Françafrique. The term was coined by François-Xavier Verschave as the title of his criticism of French policies in Africa: La Françafrique, The longest Scandal of the Republic.
In 1972,
Mongo Beti, a writer in exile from
Cameroon published
Main basse sur le Cameroun, autopsie d'une décolonisation ('Cruel hand on Cameroon, autopsy of a decolonization'), a critical history of recent Cameroon, which asserted that Cameroon and other colonies remained under French control in all but name, and that the post-independence political elites had actively fostered this continued dependence.
Verschave, Beti and others point to a forty year post independence relationship with nations of the former African colonies, whereby French troops maintain forces on the ground (often used by friendly African leaders to quell revolts) and French corporations maintain monopolies on foreign investment (usually in the form of extraction of natural resources). French troops in Africa were (and it's argued, still are) often involved in
coup d'états resulting in a regime acting in the interests of France but against its country's own interests.
Those leaders closest to France (particularly during the
Cold War, are presented in this critique as agents of continued French control in Africa. Those most often mentioned are
Omar Bongo, president of
Gabon,
Félix Houphouët-Boigny, former president of
Côte d'Ivoire,
Gnassingbé Eyadéma, former president of
Togo,
Denis Sassou-Nguesso, of the
Republic of the Congo,
Idriss Déby, president of
Chad, and
Hamani Diori former president of
Niger.
Francophonie
The
French Community and the later
Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie are defined by critics as agents of French neocolonial influence, especially in Africa. While the main thrust of this claim is that the Francophonie organisation is a front for French dominance of post-colonial nations, the relation with the French language is often more complex.
Algerian intellectual
Kateb Yacine wrote in 1966 that "Francophony is a neocolonial political machine, which only perpetuates our alienation, but the usage of French language doesn't mean that one is an agent of a foreign power, and I write in French to tell the French that I'm not French".
Belgian Congo
After a hastened
decolonization process of the
Belgian Congo,
Belgium continued to control, through The
Société Générale de Belgique, roughly 70% of the Congolese economy following the decolonization process. The most contested part was in the province of
Katanga where the
Union Minière du Haut Katanga, part of the Société, had control over the mineral and resource rich province. After a failed attempt to
nationalize the mining industry in the
1960s, it was reopened to foreign investment.
United Kingdom
Critics of British relations with its former African colonies point out that the United Kingdom viewed itself as a "civilizing force" bringing "progress" and modernization to its colonies. This mindset, they argue, has enabled continued military and economic dominance in some of its former colonies, and has been seen again following British intervention in
Sierra Leone.
Neocolonialism as economic dominance
In broader usage the charge of Neocolonialism has been leveled at powerful countries and transnational economic institutions who involve themseleves the affairs of less powerful countries. In this sense, "Neo"colonialism implies a form of contemporary, economic
Imperialism: that powerful nations behave
like colonial powers, and that this behavior is
likened to colonialism in a post-colonial world.
In lieu of direct
military-
political control, neocolonialist powers are said to employ financial, and trade policies to dominate less powerful countries. Those who subscribe to the concept maintain this amounts to a
de facto control over less powerful nations (
see Immanuel Wallerstein's World Systems Theory).
Both previous colonizing states and other powerful economic states maintain a continuing presence in the economies of former colonies, especially where it concerns
raw materials. Stronger nations are thus charged with interfering in the governance and economics of weaker nations to maintain the flow of such material, at prices and under conditions which unduly benefit developed nations and trans-national corporations.
Dependency theory
The concept of economic neocolonialism was given a theoretical basis, in part, through the work of
Dependency theory. This body of social science theories, both from developed and developing nations, is predicated on the notion that there's a center of wealthy states and a periphery of poor, underdeveloped states. Resources are extracted from the periphery and flow towards the states at the center in order to sustain their economic growth and wealth. A central concept is that the poverty of the countries in the periphery is the result of the manner of their integration of the "world system", a view to be contrasted with that of free market economists, who argue that such states are progressing on a path to full integration. This theory is based on the Marxist analysis of inequalities within the world system, dependency argues that underdevelopment of the Global South is a direct result of the development in the Global North.
The basis of much of this Marxist theory is in theories of the "
semi-colony", which date back to the late 19th century.
Proponents of such theories include
Federico Brito Figueroa a
Venezuelan historian who has written widely on the socioeconomic underpinnings of both colonialism and neocolonialism. Brito's works and theories strongly influenced the thinking of current Venezuelan president
Hugo Chávez.
The Cold War
In the late 20th century conflict between the
Soviet Union and the
United States, the charge of
Neocolonialism was often aimed at Western (and less often, Soviet) involvement in the affairs of developing nations.
Proxy Wars, many in former colonised nations, were funded by both sides throughout this period.
Cuba, the Soviet bloc, Egypt under
Nasser, as well as some governments of newly independent African states, charged the United States with supporting regimes which they felt didn't represent the will of their peoples, and by means both covert and overt, toppling governments which rejected the United States. The
Tricontinental Conference, chaired by Moroccan politician
Mehdi Ben Barka was one such organisation. Roughly designated as part of the
Third World movement, it supported
revolutionary
anti-colonial action in various states, provoking the anger of the
United States and
France. Ben Barka himself led what was called the
Commission on Neocolonialism of the organisation, which focused both on the involvement of former colonial powers in post colonial states, but also contended that the United States, as leader of the capitalist world, with the primary Neocolonialist power. Much speculation remains about Ben Barka disappearance in 1965. The Tricontinental Conference was succeeded organisation such as
Cuba's
OSPAAAL (Spanish for "Organization for Solidarity with the People of Africa, Asia and Latin America"). Such organisations, feeding into what became the
Non-aligned Movement of the 1960s and 70s used Neocolonialism, in much the same way as Marxist dependency theory intellectuals did, to encompass all capitalist nations, and most especially the
United States. This usage remains popular on the political left today, most especially in
Latin America.
Multinational corporations
Critics of neocolonialism also attempt to demonstrate that investment by
multinational corporations enriches few in underdeveloped countries, and causes
humanitarian,
environmental and
ecological devastation to the populations which inhabit the
neocolonies. This, it's argued, results in
unsustainable development and perpetual underdevelopment; a
dependency which cultivates those countries as reservoirs of cheap labor and raw materials, while restricting their access to advanced production techniques to develop their own economies.
Defence of investment
Proponents of ties which critics have labeled
neocolonial argue that, while the
First World does profit from cheap labor and raw materials in
underdeveloped nations, ultimately, it does serve as a positive
modernizing force for development in the
Third World.
International financial institutions
Critics of neocolonialism portray the choice to grant or to refuse granting loans (particularly those financing otherwise unpayable
Third World debt), especially by international financial institutions such as the
International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the
World Bank (WB), as a decisive form of control. They argue that in order to qualify for these loans, and other forms of economic aid, weaker nations are forced to take certain steps favorable to the financial interests of the IMF and World Bank but detrimental to their own economies. These
structural adjustments have the effect of increasing rather than alleviating poverty within the nation.
Some critics emphasize that neocolonialism allows certain cartels of
states, such as the World Bank, to control and exploit usually lesser developed countries (LDCs) by fostering debt. In effect,
third world governments give concessions and
monopolies to foreign
corporations in return for consolidation of power and monetary bribes. In most cases, much of the money loaned to these LDCs is returned to the favored foreign corporations. Thus, these foreign loans are in effect subsidies to corporations of the loaning state's. This collusion is sometimes referred to as the
corporatocracy. Organizations accused of participating in neo-imperialism include the
World Bank,
World Trade Organization and
Group of Eight, and the
World Economic Forum. Various "
first world" states, notably the
United States, are said to be involved, as described in
Confessions of an Economic Hitman by John Perkins.
Neocolonialism allegations against the IMF
Those who argue that neocolonialism historically supplemented (and later supplanted) colonialism, point to the fact that Africa today pays more money every year in
debt service payments to the IMF and World Bank than it receives in loans from them, thereby often depriving the inhabitants of those countries from actual necessities. This dependency, they maintain, allows the
IMF and
World Bank to impose Structural Adjustment Plans upon these nations. Adjustments largely consisting of
privatization programs which they say result in deteriorating health, education, an inability to develop infrastructure, and in general, lower living standards.
They also point to recent statements made by
United Nations Secretary-General's Special Economic Adviser, Dr. Jeffrey Sachs, who heatedly demanded that the entire African debt (approximately $200 billion) be forgiven outright and recommended that African nations simply stop paying if the World Bank and IMF don't reciprocate:
» The time has come to end this charade. The debts are unaffordable. If they won't cancel the debts I'd suggest obstruction; you do it yourselves. Africa should say: 'thank you very much but we need this money to meet the needs of children who are dying right now so we'll put the debt servicing payments into urgent social investment in health, education, drinking water, control of AIDS and other needs.' (Professor Jeffrey Sachs, Director of The Earth Institute at Columbia University and Special Economic Advisor to UN Secretary General Kofi Annan).
Critics of the IMF have conducted studies as to the effects of its policy which demands
currency devaluations. They pose the argument that the IMF requires these devaluations as a condition for refinancing loans, while simultaneously insisting that the loan be repaid in dollars or other
First World currencies against which the underdeveloped country's currency had been devalued. This, they say, increases the respective debt by the same percentage of the currency being devalued, therefore amounting to a scheme for keeping
Third World nations in perpetual indebtedness, impoverishment and neocolonial dependence.
Other approaches to the concept of neocolonialism
Although the concept of neocolonialism was developed by
Marxists and is generally employed by the political
left, the term
Neocolonialism is also used within other theoretical frameworks.
Cultural theory
One variant of neocolonialism theory suggests the existence of
cultural colonialism, the alleged desire of wealthy nations to control other nations' values and perceptions through cultural means, such as
media,
language,
education and
religion, purportedly ultimately for economic reasons.
One element of this is a critique of "
Colonial Mentality" which writers have traced well beyond the legacy of 19th century colonial empires. These critics argue that people, once subject to colonial or imperial rule, latch onto physical and cultural differences between the foreigners and themselves, leading some to associate power and success with the
foreigners' ways. This eventually leads to the
foreigners' ways being regarded as the
better way and being held in a higher esteem than previous indigenous ways. In much the same fashion, and with the same reasoning of
better-ness, the colonised may over time equate the colonisers' race or ethnicity itself as being responsible for their
superiority. Cutural rejections of colonialism, such as the
Negritude movement, or simply the embracing of seemingly
authentic local culture are then seen in a post colonial world as a necessary part of the struggle against domination. By the same reasoning, importation or continuation of cultural mores or elements from former colonial powers may be regarded as a form of Neocolonialism.
In postcolonialism theory
Postcolonialism is a set of
theories in
philosophy,
film, political sciences and
literature that deal with the cultural legacy of
colonial rule. Postcolonialism deals with cultural identity in colonized societies, referencing neocolonialism as the background for contemporary dilemmas of developing a
national identity after colonial rule: the ways in which writers articulate and celebrate that identity (often reclaiming it from and maintaining strong connections with the colonizer); the ways in which the knowledge of the colonized (
subordinated) people has been generated and used to serve the colonizer's interests; and the ways in which the colonizer's literature has justified colonialism via images of the colonized as a perpetually inferior people, society and culture.
Theories of postcolonial studies include
Subaltern Studies (specifically its
postcolonial manifestations),
Frantz Fanon's "
psychopathology of
colonization", and filmmakers of the Latin American
Third Cinema (such as
Tomás Gutiérrez Alea of
Cuba or
Kidlat Tahimik of the
Philippines).
Critical theory
While critiques of
Postcolonialism/neocolonialism theory is widely practiced in
Literary theory,
International Relations theory also has defined
Postcolonialism as a field of study. While the lasting effects of cultural colonialism is of central interest in cultural critiques of neocolonialism, their intellectual antecedents are economic theories of neocolonialism:
Marxist Dependency theory) and mainstream criticism of capitalist
Neoliberalism.
Critical international relations theory frequently references neocolonialism from
Marxist positions as well as
postpositivist positions, including
postmodernist,
postcolonial and
feminist approaches, which differ from both realism and liberalism in their
epistemological and
ontological premises.
Conservation and Neocolonialism
There have been other critiques that the modern
conservation movement, as taken up by international organizations such as the
World Wide Fund for Nature, has inadvertently set up a neocolonialist relationship with underdeveloped nations.
Further Information
Get more info on 'Neocolonialism'.
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